Source: TheZimbabwean
Monitors of the convoluted, drawn-out Zimbabwean crisis will be forgiven for thinking that little has changed, despite the fact that the South African-brokered Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed in September 2008 and initiated in February 2009 remains in place.
The month of February was effectively a repeat of the last six months, with the GPA said to be in tatters as Zanu-PF systematically sabotages the foundations of the agreement. President Mugabe's unilateral insistence that Police Chief Augustine Chihuri continues remains in his powerful position was described by exiled journalist Tanonoka Joseph Whande as a "betrayal" of the Zimbabwean people.
Given the scale of human rights abuses, notably the horrifying cases of torture perpetrated by the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) during the past 12 years, the word "betrayal" is no exaggeration. Whande pointed out that the situation shows how little power the Movement for Democratic Change wields in the coalition government.
MDC youths and supporters continued their struggle to protect themselves and their families from rampant Zanu-PF thugs in an environment where there is no rule of law and in which they can expect no help from the partisan police.
On the streets, the ZRP demonstrated ingenuity in the selective application and interpretation of the law. Their total disregard both for the law and for human rights was again apparent in their suppression of peaceful demonstrations and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party meetings, irrespective of prior authorisation.
Food insecurity continues to be of significant concern. The Ministry of Agriculture has admitted that 500,000 of the 1,689,000 hectares of maize (corn) planted is a write-off, which will result in severe hunger among the poor. This is due not only of drought in the south, but also to the failure to use irrigation infrastructure, the theft or sale of irrigation equipment, late inputs, lawlessness and the investor-hostile environment. This will be to Zanu-PF's advantage as it has relied increasingly on the selective distribution of food aid to force the reluctant electorate to vote for the party. In January, UNICEF warned that at least 3.5 million vulnerable children faced starvation.
Further destroying investor confidence, Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere threatened to nationalize 30 foreign-owned mines that have not complied with the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act which requires a 51 percent ownership stake to be held by black Zimbabweans.
Ironically, his threats were issued while the Ministry of Trade and Commerce was in the final stages of promoting a two-day Zimbabwe Trade and Investment Conference due to be held in Johannesburg from 1-2 March.
In a letter to potential delegates, signed by Mrs C. Zhanje, the Deputy Director (Bilateral Trade Relations), who is a member of the MDC, potential investors were assured that all investments made by South African nationals were protected by the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection (BIPPA) signed by both countries in 2010. Mrs Zhanje went on to claim "Our legal system is also good in terms of being applied and implemented in various issues. There is respect and protection for all private property in the country."
Nervous of the level of voluntary support for President Mugbe's 88th birthday party, Zanu-PF officials frog-marched school children to the sumptuous event in Mutare, believed to have cost more than 1 million US dollars (around £650,000).
On 14 February, Global Witness published a report raising concerns that diamond purchases might help fund the Zimbabwean military. The report, Diamonds: A Good Deal for Zimbabwe?, revealed that several directors of one of the largest mining companies operating in the controversial Marange diamond fields, Anjin Investments, are drawn from the Zimbabwean military and police.
During February, a total of 65 media articles were recorded for ZIG Watch, each article representing a unique breach of the terms of the GPA. Categorising these articles by the nature of the breach allows the generation of representative statistics.
The greatest number of violations this month involved cases of violence, intimidation, hate speech, threats, abductions and brutality. This was followed by cases of legal harassment of perceived opposition politicians and supporters. Next came cases of denial of the right to freedom of speech, or abuse of freedom of speech, while the fourth-highest involved cases of deliberate or consequential economic destabilisation. Zanu-PF was either responsible for, or involved in, all breaches recorded.
We have compiled ten articles at the end of this report to represent the month's media coverage of events in relation to the GPA. This list is neither comprehensive nor exhaustive because of the sheer volume of articles. We invite our readers to review the list of summarised articles, original articles (links provided) and previously captured articles, on the webpage http://www.sokwanele.com/zigwatch and ask you to share this information with your colleagues and other interested parties.
The first article in the category of violence, intimidation, hate speech, threats, abductions and brutality involves the gruesome murder of an MDC activist.
On 7 February in Zaka East, Masvingo province, the entire community was shocked when Sharukai Mukwena was brutally murdered by Zanu-PF thugs at his home. According to MDC-T provincial
spokesperson Hon. Harrison Mudzuri, Mukwena woke up to discover that his granary had been set ablaze. In trying to investigate, he was confronted by Zanu-PF youths who attacked him and chopped off his hands before killing him. Mudzuri said the escalating incidences of political violence against MDC members by Zanu-PF supporters in the province was cause for serious concern.
The Zanu-PF-sponsored Chipangano gang has instilled fear into residents of the high-density suburb Mbare, outside Harare, rendering them political and physical hostages. Resistance to the gang's orders invites severe beatings, banishment from the suburb or even death. Victims who dare resist are often dragged off to torture bases such as Carter House - a council property forcibly seized. Attempts by the council to evict the gang have met with violent resistance, and the partisan police force refuses to intervene.
Also on 7 February, members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), a social justice movement, gathered outside the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) offices in Bulawayo where their leaders were meeting to commemorate their 10th anniversary.
Predictably, Jenni Williams and her colleague, Magodonga Mahlangu - both founders of the movement and recipients of international human rights awards - were arrested by the police as they emerged from the meeting during which they had complained to JOMIC about police abuse.
JOMIC - which has been widely described as "toothless" - expressed reluctance to take up their case without concrete proof. This was immediately provided when the riot police arrived. They beat WOZA members with batons and arrested seven other WOZA members, as well as six bystanders.
The final article in the violence and intimidation category reflects Zanu-PF's thinly-disguised and widespread abuse and intimidation of children. To create an illusion of the ongoing popularity of President Mugabe, all school children in Mutare were forced to attend his 88th birthday party.
In the set of articles illustrating breaches in the legal harassment category, the first example provides an update on the outrageous and deliberately drawn-out court case involving a group of activists who were arrested last February for watching footage of the people's revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia.
The six accused, including former MDC-T MP Munyaradzi Gwisai, were among more than 40 people arrested. They were originally charged with treason but eventually 39 were released and treason charges were changed to 'conspiracy to commit public violence', among other minor charges. The magistrate dismissed their application for discharge at the close of the State's case and the trial was set to continue on 5 March.
In another example of legal harassment, the State abused Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (CPEA) by denying bail to 13 officials belonging to the MDC-T. They were arrested on 25 February on allegations of contravening the controversial Public Order and Security Act (POSA). Section 121 is regularly used by State prosecutors to "punish" individuals by delaying their release on bail. The police claimed they were holding a public gathering without ZRP authorisation, but they were in fact attending an internal party meeting for which no clearance was required.
Articles on the abuse of the legal process also included the case of a former lowveld farmer, 74 year-old Peter Hingeston, who retired to his house and plot of land in the Vumba district. A Mutare police commissioner who wants the property for himself, has charged Hingeston with refusing to vacate 'State' land. After failing to attend court for justifiable medical reasons, Hingeston was arre sted for 'contempt' and held until 27 February, with repeated delays to block his bail hearing. He was finally released on US$50 bail and the case continues next month.
This month, the number of cases of deliberate or consequential economic destabilisation was high enough to warrant mention. According to an article in the Zimbabwe Mail dated 15 February, questions are increasingly being asked about the proceeds from diamonds sales and where they are disappearing.
Indian traders have revealed an international selling spree involving Zimbabwean diamonds being sold at prices of 50% less than those from other sources. Industry commentators said that the amount of diamonds being sold amounted to unprecedented looting being carried out by Mugabe's criminal cabal. As a result, diamond prices have crashed by 25% in the markets of Mumbai and Surat since November 2011. International investigations show unspecified amounts of diamond earnings are being hidden in tax-free havens.
Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere continues in his attempts to bully 30 foreign-owned mines into complying with the Indigenisation Empowerment Act. The Act requires firms to put a 51 percent ownership stake in the hands of black Zimbabweans.
Kasukuwere told a parliamentary development committee that he was giving the mining companies two weeks to comply, and threatened to nationalise them if they did not. This is despite the fact that, according to Deputy Mines Minister Gift Chimanikire (MDC-T), the indigenisation law has no provision for nationalisation.
Our final selection covers cases of denial of the right to freedom of speech. In an article dated 29 February, the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) is reported to have intensified its onslaught against the Sunday Times and the Zimbabwean newspaper, both printed in South Africa. ZMC chairperson Godfrey Majonga accused them - and other foreign newspapers - of carrying out newsgathering in the country without registration and licensing, in contravention of media laws.
The reconstitution of the ZMC in 2010 was supposed to be a step to liberalizing the long-repressed sector.
Monitors of the convoluted, drawn-out Zimbabwean crisis will be forgiven for thinking that little has changed, despite the fact that the South African-brokered Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed in September 2008 and initiated in February 2009 remains in place.
The month of February was effectively a repeat of the last six months, with the GPA said to be in tatters as Zanu-PF systematically sabotages the foundations of the agreement. President Mugabe's unilateral insistence that Police Chief Augustine Chihuri continues remains in his powerful position was described by exiled journalist Tanonoka Joseph Whande as a "betrayal" of the Zimbabwean people.
Given the scale of human rights abuses, notably the horrifying cases of torture perpetrated by the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) during the past 12 years, the word "betrayal" is no exaggeration. Whande pointed out that the situation shows how little power the Movement for Democratic Change wields in the coalition government.
MDC youths and supporters continued their struggle to protect themselves and their families from rampant Zanu-PF thugs in an environment where there is no rule of law and in which they can expect no help from the partisan police.
On the streets, the ZRP demonstrated ingenuity in the selective application and interpretation of the law. Their total disregard both for the law and for human rights was again apparent in their suppression of peaceful demonstrations and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party meetings, irrespective of prior authorisation.
Food insecurity continues to be of significant concern. The Ministry of Agriculture has admitted that 500,000 of the 1,689,000 hectares of maize (corn) planted is a write-off, which will result in severe hunger among the poor. This is due not only of drought in the south, but also to the failure to use irrigation infrastructure, the theft or sale of irrigation equipment, late inputs, lawlessness and the investor-hostile environment. This will be to Zanu-PF's advantage as it has relied increasingly on the selective distribution of food aid to force the reluctant electorate to vote for the party. In January, UNICEF warned that at least 3.5 million vulnerable children faced starvation.
Further destroying investor confidence, Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere threatened to nationalize 30 foreign-owned mines that have not complied with the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act which requires a 51 percent ownership stake to be held by black Zimbabweans.
Ironically, his threats were issued while the Ministry of Trade and Commerce was in the final stages of promoting a two-day Zimbabwe Trade and Investment Conference due to be held in Johannesburg from 1-2 March.
In a letter to potential delegates, signed by Mrs C. Zhanje, the Deputy Director (Bilateral Trade Relations), who is a member of the MDC, potential investors were assured that all investments made by South African nationals were protected by the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection (BIPPA) signed by both countries in 2010. Mrs Zhanje went on to claim "Our legal system is also good in terms of being applied and implemented in various issues. There is respect and protection for all private property in the country."
Nervous of the level of voluntary support for President Mugbe's 88th birthday party, Zanu-PF officials frog-marched school children to the sumptuous event in Mutare, believed to have cost more than 1 million US dollars (around £650,000).
On 14 February, Global Witness published a report raising concerns that diamond purchases might help fund the Zimbabwean military. The report, Diamonds: A Good Deal for Zimbabwe?, revealed that several directors of one of the largest mining companies operating in the controversial Marange diamond fields, Anjin Investments, are drawn from the Zimbabwean military and police.
During February, a total of 65 media articles were recorded for ZIG Watch, each article representing a unique breach of the terms of the GPA. Categorising these articles by the nature of the breach allows the generation of representative statistics.
The greatest number of violations this month involved cases of violence, intimidation, hate speech, threats, abductions and brutality. This was followed by cases of legal harassment of perceived opposition politicians and supporters. Next came cases of denial of the right to freedom of speech, or abuse of freedom of speech, while the fourth-highest involved cases of deliberate or consequential economic destabilisation. Zanu-PF was either responsible for, or involved in, all breaches recorded.
We have compiled ten articles at the end of this report to represent the month's media coverage of events in relation to the GPA. This list is neither comprehensive nor exhaustive because of the sheer volume of articles. We invite our readers to review the list of summarised articles, original articles (links provided) and previously captured articles, on the webpage http://www.sokwanele.com/zigwatch and ask you to share this information with your colleagues and other interested parties.
The first article in the category of violence, intimidation, hate speech, threats, abductions and brutality involves the gruesome murder of an MDC activist.
On 7 February in Zaka East, Masvingo province, the entire community was shocked when Sharukai Mukwena was brutally murdered by Zanu-PF thugs at his home. According to MDC-T provincial
spokesperson Hon. Harrison Mudzuri, Mukwena woke up to discover that his granary had been set ablaze. In trying to investigate, he was confronted by Zanu-PF youths who attacked him and chopped off his hands before killing him. Mudzuri said the escalating incidences of political violence against MDC members by Zanu-PF supporters in the province was cause for serious concern.
The Zanu-PF-sponsored Chipangano gang has instilled fear into residents of the high-density suburb Mbare, outside Harare, rendering them political and physical hostages. Resistance to the gang's orders invites severe beatings, banishment from the suburb or even death. Victims who dare resist are often dragged off to torture bases such as Carter House - a council property forcibly seized. Attempts by the council to evict the gang have met with violent resistance, and the partisan police force refuses to intervene.
Also on 7 February, members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), a social justice movement, gathered outside the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) offices in Bulawayo where their leaders were meeting to commemorate their 10th anniversary.
Predictably, Jenni Williams and her colleague, Magodonga Mahlangu - both founders of the movement and recipients of international human rights awards - were arrested by the police as they emerged from the meeting during which they had complained to JOMIC about police abuse.
JOMIC - which has been widely described as "toothless" - expressed reluctance to take up their case without concrete proof. This was immediately provided when the riot police arrived. They beat WOZA members with batons and arrested seven other WOZA members, as well as six bystanders.
The final article in the violence and intimidation category reflects Zanu-PF's thinly-disguised and widespread abuse and intimidation of children. To create an illusion of the ongoing popularity of President Mugabe, all school children in Mutare were forced to attend his 88th birthday party.
In the set of articles illustrating breaches in the legal harassment category, the first example provides an update on the outrageous and deliberately drawn-out court case involving a group of activists who were arrested last February for watching footage of the people's revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia.
The six accused, including former MDC-T MP Munyaradzi Gwisai, were among more than 40 people arrested. They were originally charged with treason but eventually 39 were released and treason charges were changed to 'conspiracy to commit public violence', among other minor charges. The magistrate dismissed their application for discharge at the close of the State's case and the trial was set to continue on 5 March.
In another example of legal harassment, the State abused Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (CPEA) by denying bail to 13 officials belonging to the MDC-T. They were arrested on 25 February on allegations of contravening the controversial Public Order and Security Act (POSA). Section 121 is regularly used by State prosecutors to "punish" individuals by delaying their release on bail. The police claimed they were holding a public gathering without ZRP authorisation, but they were in fact attending an internal party meeting for which no clearance was required.
Articles on the abuse of the legal process also included the case of a former lowveld farmer, 74 year-old Peter Hingeston, who retired to his house and plot of land in the Vumba district. A Mutare police commissioner who wants the property for himself, has charged Hingeston with refusing to vacate 'State' land. After failing to attend court for justifiable medical reasons, Hingeston was arre sted for 'contempt' and held until 27 February, with repeated delays to block his bail hearing. He was finally released on US$50 bail and the case continues next month.
This month, the number of cases of deliberate or consequential economic destabilisation was high enough to warrant mention. According to an article in the Zimbabwe Mail dated 15 February, questions are increasingly being asked about the proceeds from diamonds sales and where they are disappearing.
Indian traders have revealed an international selling spree involving Zimbabwean diamonds being sold at prices of 50% less than those from other sources. Industry commentators said that the amount of diamonds being sold amounted to unprecedented looting being carried out by Mugabe's criminal cabal. As a result, diamond prices have crashed by 25% in the markets of Mumbai and Surat since November 2011. International investigations show unspecified amounts of diamond earnings are being hidden in tax-free havens.
Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere continues in his attempts to bully 30 foreign-owned mines into complying with the Indigenisation Empowerment Act. The Act requires firms to put a 51 percent ownership stake in the hands of black Zimbabweans.
Kasukuwere told a parliamentary development committee that he was giving the mining companies two weeks to comply, and threatened to nationalise them if they did not. This is despite the fact that, according to Deputy Mines Minister Gift Chimanikire (MDC-T), the indigenisation law has no provision for nationalisation.
Our final selection covers cases of denial of the right to freedom of speech. In an article dated 29 February, the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) is reported to have intensified its onslaught against the Sunday Times and the Zimbabwean newspaper, both printed in South Africa. ZMC chairperson Godfrey Majonga accused them - and other foreign newspapers - of carrying out newsgathering in the country without registration and licensing, in contravention of media laws.
The reconstitution of the ZMC in 2010 was supposed to be a step to liberalizing the long-repressed sector.